Lingua Franca

The issue of language has come up for us again and again as we try to make sense of our field research. Certainly, we had been expecting something of a language barrier, since none of us students speak more than the very few words of Nepali that our friend from Kathmandu taught us in the pre-departure workshop. However, with our professor speaking Hindi (closely related to Nepali), a large number of interviewees who spoke passable (and at times, extremely good) English, and someone to serve as translator in the majority of our interviews, language issues were not foremost in our minds.

But in retrospect, we are realizing that the language barrier played a significant role in our research. We were able to communicate, certainly, but sometimes the language barrier would rear its head and we would be stalled in frustration. For example, sometimes the interviewees would speak to us in broken English, despite the presence of a translator. At other times, we could sense that the translator was not asking our questions quite how we had phrased them, or not wording the responses in quite the same manner as they had been given. And other times, even when there were no obvious problems, it was simply hard to tell if we understood each other. Did we mean the same thing by the words and concepts we were using?

My research focus during the trip was justice, and my findings on the subject were in some ways disappointing and in nearly all ways far from what I had been expecting. Throughout our interviews, I was left with a nagging feeling that we were not on the same page as far as the concept of justice. I felt that we did not have the same idea of it, that we were not visualizing it in quite the same way, and this was standing in the way of having an open, honest discussion.

But in the end, how much of an effect did language really have on our research, and how can we tell? This is a question I am still struggling with, and I do not have an answer. I do believe that we had these communication problems, but I sometimes wonder if I am using this explanation too much, as an easy way out to explain the difficulty of my research. As I struggle with my findings and analysis of justice in Nepal, I am inclined to say that there was miscommunication, but what if I am using language as a scapegoat, and blaming it for the fact that I heard things I did not want to hear? How can we ever really know how much of a role the language barrier played in our research?

Fatima: Fighting for Women’s Rights, 18 Jan. 2012

Fatima Foundation, which is named after the iconic woman in Islam who advocated for the rights of women, is located on a narrow street in a bustling Muslim neighborhood of Nepalgunj, Nepal. This meeting was highly anticipated for me not only because of my focus on gender issues in Nepal, but also because of my personal interest in Muslim culture.

Muslims are already considered an excluded group in Nepal, which can only speak to the extra-poor treatment of Muslim women in the country. The Foundation was established in 2005, but not without challenges; many Muslim men did not agree with this organization, saying that it would destroy the Muslim community and culture. However, after several Islamic scholars gave their approval of Fatima foundation, its popularity began to increase and it became more widely accepted.

The work done by Fatima Foundation is truly inspiring, especially in light of the discriminations that certain castes, genders, and religions face in Nepal today. The foundation provides a number of different services and trainings to Muslim women and men, as well as to other members of excluded groups such as Medhesi women.  For example, the citizenship program helps to build and strengthen the Muslim community and to improve the situation of gender discrimination; capacity-building trainings are run in partnership with different inter-governmental organizations; free education is available for poor children and incentives are provided for students (especially girls) to finish school.

Some of the main issues for Muslim women include poverty, illiteracy, and domestic violence; all of these challenges are addressed by Fatima Foundation from education programs for men both and women about the problem of domestic violence to skills-training to help women to improve their economic standing.

We were told a very inspiring story of a disabled girl who came to Fatima seeking help; she wanted to learn how to sew to take care of her sick mother. Once other girls from her community found out that she was learning this great skill, they too came to learn sewing and the girl eventually became a trainer/teacher for new girls.

Fatima Foundation was a truly inspirational experience for me; partly because of the vast number of cases and issues they take on, but also because of their passion for what they do.

The Constitution

What is the Constitution of your country to you? Is it a symbol or a tool? Do you know how, when and under what conditions it was drafted? Has it been revised and renewed? Do you know your responsibilities, duties and benefits as a citizen?

Having lived through a change of constitution in my own country, I am now much more familiarized with the process of drafting and approving a new Constitution. A country does this extraordinary job though, when it wants and needs change, much like what Nepal needs after the monarchy was dissolved and the People’s War has ended. Yet again, its not as easy as following predetermined steps as 1,2,3…. The drafting of a Constitution that is suitable to the needs and hopes of a country is an excruciatingly long and difficult process, with plenty of negotiations, debates and political tug and pull wars, and many opinions and views to include.

At this moment, Nepal is governed under an Interim Constitution which came into force in January of 2007, replacing the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal. This Interim Constitution sets up the rules and procedure for the creation of a Constituent Assembly (CA), which is in charge of drafting Nepal’s first Permanent Constitution after the war ended. Under the original clauses, the CA would be elected in 2008 and have two years to draft the new Constitution (the Interim Constitution would expire on May 28, 2010 in order to open way for the permanent one).

The CA (with 601 members) have not been able to read the original deadline proposed in the Interim, and, although ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Courte, have extended their deadline for one year from May 2010 until May of 2011; then again for three more months; in August 2011 for another three months; and finally in November 2011 for another six months. So now the scenario is set for May of 2012 – two whole years after the original deadline was set.

This topic came up during one of our debrief sessions in Monterey after the trip. As a group we remembered that when the topic of the political transitions came up throughout our interviews, once and again, the response included how they are ‘waiting’ for the CA to finish drafting the permanent Constitution for things to actually start changing. We would ask ourselves why they laid their hopes so blindly on a process that is obviously taking place between four walls in Kathmandu and not amongst society as a whole. We saw no relevant actions or  evidence that showed that the CA members were including the general population in their debates and progress made. We never saw any campaign designed to inform or even to gather support for a particular bill that could be approved or integrated into the new Constitution. – This seemed highly suspicious to me, since as I thought that being in the presence of such a divided society, there would be much more popular rallies in order to be more inclusive or grant more rights to those who before had been deprived of basic rights.

I am afraid that Nepalese people are laying all hopes on this single document without actually integrating themselves into the process. I would guess that political activism is not the most popular career at the moment, but only if the views of everybody in Nepal are included, from Simikot to Dhankuta, only then will the Constitution be the answer everybody hopes it is.

Challenges of a new beginning

Security Sector Reform is necessary when the security sector (army, police, etc) of a country cannot provide adequate security to the state or the citizens. Moreover, a failing security sector can be a huge detriment for the promotion of peace and development.

Nepal is in dire need of a Security Sector Reform since the end of the Maoist Insurgency, and it has proved to be a different topic to tackle due to the particularities of this specific case. Why? First and foremost, it is not an easy task at all! But moreover, there is a power struggle in Kathmandu for political power, and those taking the major decisions in this process face great obstacles and pressures to make this reform a successful one. The future of Nepal’s political and military stability lie greatly in their hands, as well as the willingness of all Nepalese people to accept the changes that are to come.

So, in regards to SSR, what has been done and what has yet to be accomplished?
Since the end of violent conflict in 2006, the government has indeed accomplished several difficult tasks in this regard. Firstly, it has identified and categorized the totality of Maoist combatants, disarmed them, stored their weapons securely, and recalled them into their cantonments. They have also come to the decision of three different ways to deal with former Maoist combatants. These combatants have the option to chose: either to be integrated into the Nepali Army, the Nepali Police, or the Armed Police Force; accept a voluntary retirement which is accompanied by a financial remuneration package; or choose rehabilitation and reintegration into society. The government has also been able set a limit into how many combatants will be reintegrated into the army and police force, have separated child combatants from the cantonments and set them up with rehabilitation and educational packages, and agreed on the method, quantity and time frame of the combatant financial remuneration packages.

Although much has been done, there are still major issues that have to be dealt with. First and foremost, what to do with politically indoctrinated soldiers and combatants, who used to target each other just some years back, living under one roof and one command? How is this process being dealt with? Is there a need for rehabilitation no matter what decision the combatants choose to take?

From the interviews and research done in Nepal, we could find no clear answers to these questions, other than a detailed explanation of how complex this issue is, and how pivotal it is to the success of the entire peace process. There was little to learn about the underlying process and feelings of the reintegration of combatants, while there was plenty of information in regards to the bureaucracies involved in doing so.

I am afraid that after so much effort and time, these combatants and soldiers will not be happy with the offers handed to them by the government and leaders, or will perhaps see the decisions taken as unfair or bias. We must hope that their willingness and vision for peace go beyond their grievances, and their motivations for a united Nepal go beyond their distrust of the ‘other’… After all, they managed to get what they wanted through arms already, right?

Lack of Progress in the Peace Process

I came across a pretty regular piece of news from Nepal – there’s a lack of progress in the peace process.  This particular article is displayed from the angle of the minority Nepali Congress Party places the blame for the stalled peace process on the majority Maoist party.

I have been thinking about the issue of power within the government lately, and this is a prime example of the Nepali Congress trying to stir the pot and get more popular support.  However, the ruling Maoists have gained too much power by winning control of this new governing body, the Constitutional Assembly.  The Maoists have shown their power by consistently extending the duration of power of the CA due to not having finished writing the constitution.  In doing so, the Maoists, who are anything but assured of winning the next election, have been able to extend their hold on power since the end of the war with no end in sight.

How long can the Maoists stall the constitution-writing process and keep a strangle-hold on power and all its privileges?  Are the Nepali Congress members content in their current positions of power to not push the Maoists to the limit?

I believe that such a significant amount of power has been so rare for so long in Nepal, that the members of the CA are going to enjoy it as long as they can without risk of losing their seats in a new election process.  Eventually, the people are going to have to become stronger in order to pressure the minority parties to fight the Maoists in to finishing the constitution-writing process.

As long as the government has a strangle-hold on power and corruption runs rampant, Nepal as a country will not move forward quickly in the peacebuilding process.  Thus, it is vital for the CA to come to an agreement on important issues such as the structure of government in order to facilitate the spreading of representation throughout Nepal.

Witchcraft

Yesterday, one of my friends here in the US who has been highly interested in our trip to Nepal sent me the link to a news story. It was about a woman in a remote Nepali village who had been accused of witchcraft, and of causing the drowning death of young boy. As punishment, the woman was severely beaten and then burned to death.

Unfortunately, this was not the first time I had heard of this. When we were in Bara district in the south of Nepal, we heard multiple examples of this problem from a single organization. This organization helped to defend the women accused in these cases, and they explained to us some of the culture behind these accusations. Only women are ever accused of witchcraft, though both men and women have been known to make accusations of witchcraft. These women are always Dalit (from the lowest caste), and are usually either single or widowed. Additionally, the organization explained to us a common belief that “women are born witches”, because they can keep a child inside them for nine months: only something supernatural could do something of that nature. Women accused of witchcraft are often forced to eat feces, because it is believed that is the only way to get the witch out.

One story this organization told us had a happier ending than that of the news article. In this case, a woman’s young son had been bitten twice by a snake, and she accused a local Dalit woman of using witchcraft to harm her son. But the accused, with help from this organization, was able to fight the accusation: it turned into a big case and eventually the accuser was forced to apologize and pay compensation. Unfortunately, in this more recent news story, the accused was not so lucky.

Coming from a Western background, we might be tempted to dismiss this entire talk of witchcraft as nonsense from the very start. However, I think these cases are just one example of the extremely complicated relationship between ‘culture’ and ‘development’. A ‘developed’, just society should not have this practice where the underprivileged are accused of witchcraft in order to explain the problems of others, but at the same time, is it right to completely dismiss something that has been a part of Nepali culture for centuries? It is a sensitive issue, and it is hard to figure out how certain aspects of culture can fit in as a society moves forward. But no matter what, the horrifying results of these types of problems, such as a woman being burned alive, must be stopped.

Royal Kumari of Kathmandu, 20 Jan. 2012

There are several Kumaris, or living goddesses, in Nepal, who are young girls worshiped by Hindus as the reincarnation of a female deity. In Kathmandu, the Kumari lives in Durbar Square in a palace in the center of the city. Believers come to the temple daily to catch a glimpse of her as she comes to a window of the temple between 4 and 4:30 each afternoon.

Faithful Hindus and tourists alike flock to this temple, gather in the open courtyard, and gaze up at the windows waiting for the Kumari, a little girl of no more than 8 or 9 years old, to appear. One of her attendants calls out that she will appear and, when she does, she simply stands at the window, looking back at the crowd of people gathered below. She is dressed up in clothes of red and gold, with the traditional black eye make-up and jewelry. She is at the window for only a minute or two before she disappears back into the dark room.

Durbar Square is bustling with Nepalis and tourist, and vendors of all sorts of things from jewelry to Buddha statues. There are so many beautiful, colorful temples and shrines. A little girl approaches our group wanting to practice her henna skills. She says she is trying to raise money to buy school supplies, but doesn’t ask us directly for money. A few of us hold out our hands, allowing her to draw simple designs with the redish-brown paste. We ask her where she lives and about school, and she replies in almost perfect English that she lives far away and she must walk when she does not have enough money to take the bus. We notice a group of men forming behind her, sensing that she is about to receive money from us as a tip for doing our henna designs. We ask her if she ever is hassled to give her money away. She says sometimes, but that she usually finds a police officer in the sqaure if she is bothered or forced to give her money away. I cannot imagine th danger that this little girl, who tells us she’s 12, faces on a daily basis just trying to bring back a few rupees to her parents. She seems especially savvy though, and I hope that she can stay out of harm’s way and continue with school, which is somewhat of a rarity even today for girls in Nepal.

Lumbini: Birthplace of Buddha, 16 Jan. 2012

It was foggy and cool when we arrived at Lumbini at 6am, but despite the early hour there were many visitors. Most were pilgrims, coming to pray at the holy birthplace of Buddha, comprised of Nepali’s, Indians, and Tibetans. There were very few white tourists like ourselves.

 

The compound was an enormous maze of dirt paths winding through grass fields, and there were many different temples, buildings, shrines, and statues through which to wander. Prayer flags were everywhere, wound around trees and through fences and from building to building. Visitors to the site walked slowly through the grounds chanting Buddhist prayers or listening to tour guides. It was very quiet and peaceful and the spirituality of the place was really felt, even for an outsider to the Buddhist religion.

We entered the big, white temple housing ruins dating back to the 3rd century BC as well as the exact spot, according to Buddhist tradition, where the Buddha was born. Pilgrims brought monetary offerings and layed Buddhist prayer shawls near the sight as they looked one-by-one at the plexi-glass covered stone. Behind this was a pond and a large tree where candles marked a shrine; this was the spot where Buddha’s mother bathed before giving birth to him.

Some people splashed the water on themselves as a form of blessing. All in all, the experience of visiting Lumbini was a very peaceful one, especially seeing the devotion of the many religious visitors, and one that I will never forget.

 

The Coffee Shop

Our first dinner at the Coffee Shop after our surprisingly on time flight from Western Nepal was absolutely magical. We arrived at the door of what the hotel manager liked to call, “our second home, home away from home,” which definitely felt this way when we greeted the Annapurna employees with smiles from ear to ear. At dinner we are felt fresh, new and fabulous. Regardless of what the meaning might be behind such feelings, we felt grateful and good.

At the dinner we had the honor to speak with two Nepalese men who shared a lot of wisdom and words on what we had seen and studied the past week and a half. Our friends sat on opposite sides of the table and let us bombard them with questions, contradictions and excitement. Something we discussed has stayed with me. During a complicated conversation about the VDCs, accountability and corruption this was said, “We must accommodate the power in order to influence.” We know the system will always be functioning therefore how to you work within it and use it for good. This is complicated and it connects to much of our privileges as researchers and intellectuals. We often feel guilt and remorse for our complicit role in the problem yet we must use our role to contribute and make change. Therefore, privilege must not be rejected. And this question of how we adapt and accommodate and where do we draw the lines.

What’s Your Motivation?

The Maoist leaders were able to motivate the “peasants” to join the revolution (and the PLA) to fight for ideological goals which could then lead to changes for improving lives. However, in 2006 the Maoist leadership decided to team up with the democratic parties to abolish the monarchy. Was this a betrayal of the “revolution?” Their actions might be understood by the answers to these few questions:

1)      Did the Maoists ideas of Communism change and they felt democracy was a better system, or is it just a better system at this time to get power, influence and money?

2)      Is asking for democratic peace just a chance for the Maoist leaders to rest in order to get enough resources to finish the revolution at a later date?

3)      Were the Party and PLA out of steam and the Maoist leaders just wanted to solidify their gains?

4)      Did the Maoists sell out their fighters for power, agreeing to elections and the subsequent money that come with it, all while the cadres sit idly (without weapons) in camps for years?

5)      Was the movement really a Maoist/Communist revolution?

The Maoists used “revolutionary” slogans (“Power comes from the barrel of a gun”) and techniques (surrounding the cities by recruiting the peasant masses), but I don’t know if I could call it a revolution. Nowhere in their demands do they talk of class and the oppression of the bourgeoisie. They seemed to want an isolationist, anti-globalization Nepal with strong national identity while still asking for greater control of regional areas by various ethnic groups. Revolution? At the end of the war, the country went from a partial democracy to a full democracy with one extra political party. As always, I now have more questions than when our class went to Nepal.